The songs were sung a capella or accompanied by frame drums such as the rebana or kompang. They also encouraged Islamic morals and practice. Nasyid songs played important roles in propagating the teachings of Islam and The Prophet Muhammad. In Malaysia, nasyid was first performed informally by Islamic teachers and students as interludes during Qur’an reading sessions prior to World War II. Today, nasyid refers to a type of Islamic devotional song with texts praising Allah or incorporating other religious themes, such as universal love, good morals, or brotherhood in Islam.
The term nasyid originates from the word ansyada meaning “cantillation of poetry.” It is believed that when The Prophet Muhammad first went from Mecca to Medina, he was greeted by the people of Medina with a nasyid song Tola’al Badru’Alaina (Finally the moon has risen amidst us, audio clip at multimedia section). At the same time, they recreate modern local interpretations of Islam and include local Malaysian musical elements in their songs. The musicians also identify with a global Islamic movement through musical texts, musical elements, video imagery, and costumes. Pop nasyid appeals to younger Muslims by projecting a non-western Malaysian modernity even as it adapts global trends in popular music and uses new technology, media, and marketing strategies. This paper examines the development of pop nasyid, a type of Islamic popular music which engages performers and audiences in a dialogue about Islamic modernity in Malaysia. For them, music plays an important role not only in spreading the word of Islam but also in showing that Islam is a religion which can adapt to the modern world. As Gole (2002) suggests, these Muslims are projecting a culture that is modern and yet Islamic.
Over the last two decades, there has been a growing middle class of Islamic modernists in Malaysia who accept the challenge of modernity but with a difference. Nevertheless, as in other parts of the Muslim world, there are diverse types of Muslims who embrace different interpretations of Islamic practices and culture (Hefner 1997: 6-7). The media has chosen to focus on the actions of these conservative Muslims. Women have also been banned from taking part in all concerts and live entertainment shows in Kelantan since 2002 because the female voice is considered aurat, a part of the body which must be covered ( Star, 19 September 2002). Worse still, Pak Dogol, the clown of the wayang Kelantan, not only acts as a servant to Seri Rama, the hero of the puppet theater, but is himself a Hindu demigod. Spirits are believed to be invoked during these performances and non-Islamic stories (like the Indian epics Ramayana and Mahabharata) are used. For orthodox Muslims, traditional theater forms are haram (forbidden) because they are performed for spiritual occasions, including healing. Since the opposition Party Islam Se Malaysia (PAS, Islamic Party of Malaysia) took over the state government in Kelantan in 1990, it has deemed as un-Islamic and banned public performances of traditional theater such as wayang kulit (shadow puppet) and makyong (a form of Malay theatre), as well as rock concerts.
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